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Report: Dom migrants from Syria - Living at the bottom

  • Date: Nov 1 2016 Time: 19:55
  • Description:
    [From executive summary]  Damage to Communal Life The Dom society in the Middle East consists of sub-tribes and these groups of between 5 and 15 families lead a communal life. Although they may appear to live in independent tents or houses, the traditions of solidarity, co-existence and sharing are still prevalent. This communal lifestyle protects an introverted community from external threats. In times of turmoil, such as during war or conflict, families and individuals who lack individual survival skills find themselves in a strange world. The division of groups opens wounds in the fabric of society and individuals who are forced to become a part of a system that is foreign to them in order to meet even basic needs such as employment, shelter and food have to face the associated risks and threats alone. Children who sell goods in the street, women who collect aid and men who say “they would do any job” easily become involved in, or are obliged to take part in, criminal activity. Dom communities face all sorts of threats due to the splintering of groups and division of families.  Camps: Places of Discrimination The Dom constantly emphasise that they cannot live in and do not want to live in temporary accommodation centres. Camps are uninhabitable for these communities due to ethnic, religious and political divisions, the restrictions they impose on the independence of communities which have historically been semi-nomadic, the tough controls at entry and exit, the isolation and the feeling of claustrophobia for a community that has always lived close to nature. Therefore the Dom tend to live in tent settlements they have set up themselves, in makeshift tents, or abandoned and ruined buildings. As they lack the means to rent accommodation, barely surviving through daily labour, the Dom often change location. As they face greater pressures in small towns, they prefer to migrate to large cities such as Istanbul, Ankara and Izmir, and to become inconspicuous in the crowd.  Registration and Non-Registration Dom communities have crossed the border into Turkey in two ways. The first is via border crossings. While initially records were not kept at the crossings, later records began to be kept. A Foreigner Identification Document, known as the “blue card”, was issued to the refugees enabling them to freely make use of hospital services until such time as they were given temporary migrant status. The scope of this document was later widened for the registration of Syrian migrants. The document is now known as the Temporary Protection Identification Document. All dealings with public organisations now require this document. In this way, approximately three million migrants who crossed the border without records have been registered. The second way in which Syrians have entered Turkey is via mined territory. Dom communities, Kurds without identification and those fleeing during attacks have generally had to enter Turkey via minefields. The reason why they have preferred this over entry through border crossings is that Dom communities want to have as little contact as possible with the state. They have many bitter experiences in their collective memory. Those who have crossed the border over mined land generally do not register unless they want to seek social assistance and healthcare services, and do not apply for documentation. During the field study, it was observed that most Dom groups had Temporary Protection Identification Documents. The greatest handicap for these groups is the fact that the documents are only valid for use in the province tin which they were issued. The Dom lead a migratory lifestyle and move around a lot. Under the circumstances, should they move to another province, they cannot benefit from services other than first-tier healthcare. This presents a special risk for women and babies. During vaccination periods, children need to remain in the province where they were registered. For women, pregnancies cannot be monitored and check-ups performed. The Directorate General for Migration Management (DGMM), which is responsible for the registration of Syrian migrants in Turkey, is unable to reach out to Dom communities, or cannot undertake their registration for various reasons: because they are a migratory people, for example, the muhtar (village foremen) may not give them the necessary documents, or they may regularly move from one province to another. Moreover, the institutions and persons responsible for registration tend to be reluctant to register them because of their prejudices. Members of the community have stated that they tend to avoid the authorities because of unpermitted crossings over the border, lack of information or misinformation about the documentation process and the prejudiced approach of officials towards them. In addition, some of the migrants, having taken to the nomadic lifestyle again in order to find work, are registered but do not want to claim their Temporary Protection Identification Document because it is only valid for use in the province in which it is issued.  Lack of Decent Shelter Dom families generally prefer to inhabit those neighbourhoods where Dom communities in Turkey are already settled, in empty houses, stores or cabins, in ruined and preferably abandoned buildings. If the space is owned, the owners generally ask for a monthly rent of TRY250-400. Yet these homes do not generally have separate toilets or kitchens and seldom have more than one room. As they cannot pay the bills, their power and water is cut off. These needs are sometimes met by willing neighbours. Water is sometimes procured from nearby parks or mosques. Very few of the families taking part in the field study said that they had been able to meet their heating needs last winter through the coal and fuel aid provided by municipalities. They generally make use of fuel derived from refuse or given to them by their neighbours. In the spaces which are used as the kitchen in these dwellings, there are generally one pot and a few spoons and plates; h gas stoves and other necessary kitchen appliances are almost non-existent. Those that do have these items were either given them by their neighbours or found discarded ones. Gypsy families are generally very large. Though the siblings may be married, they are all part of the same household. Married couples stay with elderly parents and single siblings. Many migrants outside the camps live in unhealthy tents. The tents which the Dom migrants inhabit are in disrepair, are very inadequate in terms of hygiene and health, and have no toilets or baths. It has been observed that between five and ten people inhabit one tent. The hygiene conditions and unmet healthcare needs of those living in tents present a great risk of contagious disease. In the winter, the migrants’ needs for warm clothes, blankets and heaters go unmet. The faces of the young children, who constantly live in the open, are covered in scars.  Poor Health and Hygiene Conditions During the interviews, mention was often made of problems with disabilities and respiration, cases of leishmaniasis were observed and the risk of contagious disease was seen to be high. The communities were also observed not to be able to take advantage of many healthcare services due to lack of information. In some cases, healthcare services do not reach these communities at all. In many tent settlements there were Dom who were unregistered, who did not have a Temporary Protection Identification Document and who therefore could not access healthcare services. There was also a high proportion of persons who did not have access to healthcare because they were living in a province other than the one in which their Temporary Protection Identification Document was issued, for work or other reasons. One of the most important problems of the Dom is access to food. While they cannot find enough food for three meals a day, they also share the food they can get with others. Emotional disorders have been observed in children who are malnourished and who live in unhealthy conditions. Delayed development, stunting, tooth and eye disorders and some digestive tract disorders were also reported in children, again related to malnutrition. Sores were observed on the bodies of babies and children due to inadequate attention. Some newborns were not vaccinated and the level of awareness of mothers was often low. Persons without Temporary Protection Identification Documents, or living in provinces other than those in which they are registered, are asked to pay for the full cost of treatment. Due to their financial circumstances, the Dom are also unable to take their medicines regularly. It was reported that the elderly and the disabled do not have access to preventive healthcare services. The illnesses of 17 many migrants who are mentally disabled or under mental health risks were said to have advanced due to a total lack of healthcare services. The Dom have no hygiene materials other than warm water, soap and plastic hand basins for washing and bathing. As baths become impossible for days and even weeks during hard winter conditions, the children’s hair is shaved very short. This is also a precaution against lice. Another reason why the hair of girls is cut very short is to prevent young girls who have to work from being sexually molested by men.  Obstacles to the Education of Children The education of Syrian migrant children in Turkey is seen as the most fundamental of their problems. This is compounded by issues in urgent need of attention such as the citizenship of the approximately 250,000 children who have been born in Turkey and remain “stateless”. Children who cannot receive an education are sent to work in the street, workshops or fields so that they will learn a profession or contribute to the survival of their families. This has led to the issue of Syrian migrant child labour in Turkey. In Gaziantep, Şanlıurfa, Adana and Mersin, Syrian child workers are employed in knitting workshops, textiles, dried fruit processing plants, shoemaker’s workshops, garages and agricultural work, and in selling paper tissues and water in the streets. Evidence of this has been taken from reports in the national and international press. In almost all of the interviews carried out as part of the field study, it was seen that none of the Dom children had access to education. The main reasons are the fact that the children are members of a community that regularly changes location, and the prejudices against their communities. Families think that their children will be discriminated against at school by both local children and by the children of other Syrian groups on account of their Dom identity.  Relations with the Local Community and Exclusion The Dom population is concentrated in the provinces of Hatay, Kilis, Osmaniye, Adana, Mersin, Gaziantep, Kahramanmaraş, Şanlıurfa, Adıyaman, Mardin, Batman, Diyarbakir, Izmir, Kayseri and Konya. The presence of Doms has been identified in other provinces such as Istanbul, Ankara, Antalya, Denizli, Bursa, Kocaeli, Van, Şırnak, Elazığ, Malatya, Nevşehir, Aksaray, Sivas and Kırıkkale. These communities live as migrants in tents, in tents or rented accommodation in poor neighbourhoods and Roma or Dom neighbourhoods in cities, in unregistered tent sites they have themselves established, and in abandoned and semi-demolished houses in urban transformation zones in cities. Dikmen Vadisi in Ankara, Fikirtepe and Tarlabaşı in Istanbul and Kadife Kale in Izmir are just some examples of these urban transformation zones. Where the Dom inhabit areas populated by people of the same identity, problems are at a minimum. Occasional marriages between groups and joint business ventures have been observed, and many households are seen to undertake seasonal work together. Problems are more frequent with the local population who are not Gypsies and the security forces. The local population living close to groups living in tents are especially opposed to the presence of these people. Upon their complaints, the municipal police, the police or the gendarmerie request that the Doms move their tents elsewhere. If they do not comply, they destroy their tents and warn them to leave the area. In border villages and towns community members and security personnel frequently spoke of Doms being taken to the border and extradited.  Circular on Beggars: “We Don’t Want Them Either!” Dom migrants are often described in the Turkish press as “Syrian beggars” or “Syrian Gypsies”. This has made the already-difficult living conditions of this group even tougher. Media reports which suggest that the situation of Dom migrants is a consequence of their own preferences heighten the social exclusion and discrimination which they face. The recommendation of the DGMM dated July 25th 2014 and the Circular No. 46 of the General Directorate of Security, which is known to the public as the “Circular on Syrian Beggars” state that “Those among Syrian foreigners who have become involved in crime or have otherwise disturbed public order or pose a risk to public safety, and those who continue to beg, live on the street etc. despite warnings ... should be escorted to accommodation centres by security personnel.” Governors of many provinces have instructed security forces to implement the circular strictly. All Syrian migrants living in the street and in tents have been given two options: to settle in camps or to rent accommodation. Otherwise they were told to return to Syria otherwise. In some provinces and districts, children collecting aid in the street have been sent to camps without their families being notified. Those who did not want to go to camps were displaced and some groups have had to return to their war-torn country. Many examples of the Dom being picked up off the streets and being sent to camps, and of those facing this injustice being unable to make their voices heard, have been encountered in press reports and in field study interviews. During the field study, many cases were cited in which security forces had taken members of Dom households, especially women and children, to camps against their will, and these people had had to stay in camps for months.  Dom Women: Discrimination First by Identity, Then by Sex After migration, women have come to shoulder the burden of household survival in place of men who cannot find work. Especially those women who have lost their spouses in the war have begun to work to ensure the survival of their children and households. In sectors with heavy working conditions, women have replaced men as workers. Agricultural labour, seasonal agricultural work, day work and domestic work have become fields of employment for migrant women. In face-toface interviews held during the field study it was found that the wages of woman workers is around 30-40 per cent lower than that of men. Because the wages paid to women and children are lower than those paid to men, women have been observed to be more widely employed than men, in agriculture in particular. The prejudiced approach of the local population towards women is reflected in the daily lives of migrant women. Migrant women face exploitation both in the street and while doing daily shopping. They state that some local women see them as rivals, instead of acting in solidarity. The negative social perception of Syrian women is compounded for Dom women due to their ethnic origins and identity. Press reports of “Syrian Gypsies” and “Syrian beggars” are often accompanied by images of women. Women who have to collect aid in the street are open to all forms of exploitation, sexual violence and abuse. Cases of girls collecting aid in the street being sexually assaulted have been identified by women’s organisations and taken to court.  Employment and Unemployment Many traditional Dom occupations such as folk dentistry, performing music, peddling, iron and tin smithing, sieve and basket making, rifle repairing, saddle and harness making, and hunting wild birds are not viable forms of income today. This means a narrower field of employment for the Dom. Many communities have shifted to the more modern extensions of these occupations or to different occupations altogether. Most Doms interviewed for the study declared their occupations as waste/refuse collectors, seasonal agricultural labourers, porters, field and garden maintenance workers and construction workers. In groups whose traditional occupations are performing music and folk dentistry, unemployment runs very high. These communities rely on collecting aid for survival. When they are found out to be Gypsies, they are generally not given jobs and if they have already been employed they are laid off. Those working as seasonal agricultural labourers are given jobs out of necessity due to the shortage of work or a late harvest (i.e. a shorter period for gathering the crop). The Regulation on Work Permits for Foreigners Under Temporary Protection Status, which regulates the entry of foreign migrants under temporary protection into the labour force, was published and became effective in January 2016. During the field study, no Doms were encountered who were employed under the provisions of the circular or who were even aware of the circular and related legislation.  Lack of Access to Public Services Almost all the Dom migrants interviewed stated that they had had difficulty in accessing public services such as education, healthcare and social aid. They were observed to have little knowledge of the basic rights granted to migrants and they stated that they had not received any support from public institutions in this regard. They have difficulty in accessing public services because they do not speak Turkish. The Dom have a very low level of information regarding regulations and practices for migrants and migration. Lack of information on residence, registration, foreigner identification documents and work permits for foreigners is common. Information centres for migrants do not have outreach to these communities.